Sunday, February 7, 2010

1984, the landmark case of New York Times v. Sullivan determined in cases concerning legal actions pertaining to libel taken by public officials, would not be accepted unless the plaintiff accepted the burden of proof – to demonstrate the insult was conveyed with “actual malice” (89, Tedford & Herbeck). Actual malice is proven by portraying the message was known to be false or the speaker “recklessly disregarded his or her obligation to discover and publish the truth” (89, Tedford & Herbeck). There are a number of issues to consider when resolving whether or not one committed negligence or actual malice. One such issue concerns the timing of the message. Was the message published on a deadline, or did the author have ample time to carefully research the story before publication. Those who do have time to commit to investigation carry a heavier burden of accuracy than do those who must publish in a short time (newspaper journalist, wire services etc.) The communicator must also be examined when determining actual malice. Is the communicator a public figure, or a public official, or professional? There is more protection for those with credentials than there is for less knowledgeable narrators.
In 1974 in the case of Gertz v. Welch the Courts distinguished between public and private persons. It was stated by the Court that private individuals are “more vulnerable to injury, and the state interest in protecting them is correspondingly greater… [and that] an individual who decides to seek governmental office must accept certain necessary consequences of that involvement…he runs the risk of closer public scrutiny” (96, Tedford & Herbeck).
In 2009, Canada made efforts to broaden their scope of freedom of speech through the “responsible communication” defense. Decided in Grant v. Torstar, free expression should have more protection when dealing with matters of public interest. To win on the defense one must prove the matter was based in the concern of the public. Second, the defendant was required to prove the publication was “responsible” – the author was meticulous in their research and verifications of the charge(s). The judge then decides upon the message’s public interest status. If public interest is shown, the jury must decipher if there is adequate evidence for a responsible communication defense. According to the Canadian Supreme Court, there are eight factors when determining whether the defamatory statement was made responsibly including: the seriousness of the allegation, the public importance of the matter, the urgency of the matter and the status and reliability of the source.
In examining the differences between Canada and America’s standards of libel protection the major distinctions fall with the burden of proof and the importance of the speaker. The US Court decided in New York Times v. Sullivan the plaintiff must prove fault. In Canada it is the speaker who must prove fault. There are no distinctions made in Canada between who the speaker is or who they are talking about that would alter the burden of proof. However in America, following Gertz v. Welch, the Court ruled public persons need more protection from defamation and therefore do not have to meet the strict standard of actual-malice. Yet, if the plaintiff is a public official, an all-purpose public figure or a limited public figure proving the actual-malice standard stands. Within a libel case in the US courts will lead directly into placing fault (establishing the title of the plaintiff). Canadian Courts will first define a libel case allowing the judge to determine whether the defamatory statement in question concerns the public interest or not. If the judge supports the case as an interest of the public a jury will then be responsible of interpreting the success of responsible communications defense. Over all, there is more protection granted within the United States for libelous assertions, especially made by private individuals.
I believe there are two prevalent philosophical theories that help justify the US Court’s outlook on freedom of expression in relation to libel. The first theory is best exemplified by John Milton. As stated by Tedford and Herbeck, “the philosophical reason for free speech is centered on the ancient struggle for freedom and the search for truth” (432, Tedford & Herbeck). Milton argued that instead of having the authorities impose means of suppression, society should be allowed to have “free and open clash of ideas in the belief that truth would win out” (432, Tedford & Herbeck). It is this central belief that seems most prevalent in America’s desire to make distinctions within plaintiffs. The recognition that private individuals are necessarily more vulnerable to defamation, and are therefore entitled to more means of protection demonstrates America’s belief that there is “likely some truth in all opinions” whether you are a public official or not (432, Tedford & Herbeck).
Another important philosophical model that grounds the United States’ outlook on libel is revealed in C. Edwin Baker’s liberty theory. Baker, similarly to John Milton, believes in the marketplace approach to free speech. “There is no such thing as objective, discoverable “truth,” that people are not always rationale, and that different people inevitably perceive the “truth” in different ways” (441, Tedford & Herbeck). Thus, to make a statement that is insulting to another may in fact be deemed truth by the speaker, but perceived as false to the slandered individual. As illustrated in the analysis and response posts from the first week of class, Americans place a significant value on the rights of the individual. Baker’s liberty theory depicts once again the worth of the individual – there may not be a universal “truth” however, there is a personal “truth.”
Libel laws have, especially outside of the US come into tension with an individual’s freedom of speech, directing the way toward censorship and oppression through silence. Fear of authors and publishers who have no means of protection is also present when examining freedom of speech with current libel laws. In an opinion article written by Olivia Judson in the New York Times, the British libel laws come under strict scrutiny of the fear they instill within published authors. Judson’s main example, Simon Singh, is being sued for libel by the British Chiropractic Association after he published an article in a newspaper arguing there was no justifiable evidence to prove the claims the BCA has made about the benefits of visiting a chiropractor. An educated scientist and published author, Singh is a credible source, yet there are a number of laws within Europe that permit restriction on freedom of speech as a means of protecting one’s reputation.
Although the intention of protecting one’s reputation is ideal, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states in Article 19, “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” Yet, if one is afraid of an expensive lawsuit or, even worse, afraid of their life or socio-economic standing as a private individual – many will be quieted, whether or not they have a defensible argument.
It seems that based in a belief of individual rights, and that which promotes individual self-fulfillment, I believe I would rather fight in court under rules of “actual malice” than “responsible communication” in a case of libel. I believe looking at the basic philosophies of Baker and Milton, as well as examining the censorship that can exist in countries without basic individual protection against libel claims validate America’s current outlook on libel as evidenced in New York Times v. Sullivan and Gertz v. Welch.

4 comments:

  1. Larkin has done a nice job to stating which country she would rather go to court for libel charges in. She makes is clear that the United States would be a much better place. I agree with Larkin when she says that shed rather be tried under actual malice laws that Responsible Communication Defense laws. She uses the cases of New York Times v. Sullivan as well as Gretz v. Welch to provide background information on how these laws came about.
    I like the way Larkin used the New York Times v. Sullivan case to demonstrate how the proof of burden is different in the United States and Canada. In the United States the burden of proof is applied to the plaintiff as passed down from the New York Times v. Sullivan case. In Canada however the burden of proof is on the speaker regardless of whom he or she may be. Larkin continues to strengthen her argument by using the philosophical groundings of John Milton.
    The first grounding she uses has to do with the idea that free speech is centered on the ancient struggle for freedom and the search for truth. I agree with Larkin here as she argues that it seems American are more prevalent to letting the people decide what is truth. This is a very important idea to me, as it displays not only our freedom of speech, but also our freedom to search for the truth in our on way. Larkin uses case law as well as the philosophical work of John Mill very affectively to establish and support her argument. I am in agreement with Larkin and would much rather be tried with actual malice law in America than with Responsible Communication in Canada.

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  2. Larkin did a good job explaining the American “actual malice” defense and the Canadian “responsible communication” defense. She explains each factors of each defense clearly. She also states both differences real clear. She emphasizes on how the American “actual malice” put burden on the plaintiff; whereas, the Canadian “responsible communication” defense put the burden on the speaker. Larkin also states the history of both defenses clear. The history of the American “actual malice” which began in New York Times v. Sullivan, and the history of the Canadian “responsible communication” which involved in Grant v. Torstar.

    As I already mentioned in previous responds, I do agree that the American “actual malice” is the right approach to win individual protection in case of libel. Larkin uses two good philosophers for her philosophical grounding, and both of them are connected. She uses John Milton and C. Edwin Barker’s liberty theory. Both philosophers touch the same idea. John Milton believes that “the philosophical reason for free speech is centered on the ancient struggle for freedom and the search for truth. . . free and open clash of ideas in the belief that truth would win out” (432, Tedford & Herbeck). Then there is Barker, who believes “in the marketplace approach to free speech. “There is no such thing as objective, discoverable “truth,” that people are not always rationale, and that different people inevitably perceive the “truth” in different ways” (441, Tedford & Herbeck). These two philosophers support her believes in “actual malice” because “actual malice” will punish someone who publishes a false statement, and the publisher know about it (New York Times v. Sullivan). Overall, Larkin did a great job explaining her point of view, and I do agree with her.

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  3. Larkin makes a good point pertaining to the time of when the message was distributed and if the publisher had reasonable time to correct any false or unsure facts before putting it into publication. And that experienced journalists have more protection than those who are less knowledgeable. On a different note, she mentions who has more protection from defamation and does a very good job of illustrating this with the Gertz v. Welch case wherein it states that working for the government has its consequences because their lives would be out in the public to see, hear and read about. In relation, Larkin does a very job of differentiating between the Canadian and American libel defenses in terms of who must prove fault. She clearly points out that according to the Gertz v. Welch case, the American libel defense meets the notion of those prone to public scrutiny possessing greater protection.

    I also like how Larkin used John Milton as a philosophical grounding. The quote she used in by Milton in connection to her reasoning, “free and open clash of ideas in the belief that truth would win out” I think, sends an important message when it comes to evaluating libel cases. When ideas are put to the table, not everything is a hundred percent true facts. But that's why they are put out there in order to hash out which ones are true and be aware of the rest, false. Larkin does a very good argument the American libel defense recognizes this in order to protect the defamed and make the one who caused defamation tell “sides of every story” for everyone has a right to their own opinion.

    Lastly, Larkin's use of Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was put well. I think that when people keep their mouth shut in fear of getting in trouble or dealing with the consequences, freedom to say an opinion is limited. However, if that opinion were true, then freedom to say or write things about a person is a safe bet to do so. With this, I gather that citizens are able to speak freely as long as it contains the truth and personal opinions can be considered as false which leads to defamation of an individual.

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  4. First of all, Larkin does a great job explaining all of these things clearly. Even for someone who has read the cases and definitions, it definitely helps to read things in terms where I can fully understand what's going on--therefore making me better equipped to make such a judgment as how this case should be tried and what laws should be applied, etc.

    Also, providing precedent in the form of Gertz v. Welch was a very important thing to do, as it must be noted that public individuals have different rights than private individuals. As public figures are more susceptible to libelous attacks, they require more protection and therefore certain cases in court might go differently according to what was decided in this case--differentiating public and private individuals.

    Larkin also does a good job relating this topic back to philosophers and concepts we've learned about earlier in the quarter. I really like that she uses Milton as one of her references, quoting “free and open clash of ideas in the belief that truth would win out.” This is an important quote to use as she goes into reasoning of the UDHR, by saying that Article 19 states everyone has the right to expression and opinion. By using both of these examples and then relating it back to the concept of "actual malice" that she would rather be tried by, it shows that people definitely have the freedom to express themselves, and we hope that what they are saying is true whether we like it or not, but it is up to the court to prove whether they had knowledge that the statement was false and whether it can be deemed libelous in any way.

    Finally, I agree with Larkin that the "actual malice" in the US is the better way to try these cases. Honestly, I believe in "Law and Order" style cases where it is entirely up to the plaintiff to make their case, and the defendant only has to defend themselves where necessary, based on the information given to the court. That way, it pays a little bit of respect to the phrase "innocent until proven guilty."

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